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English Grammar and Language Usage: Part 1

a- words

 

Apart from its use as an article, a occurs frequently in English. It can mean ‘(for) each/every’ in:

 

three times a week (i.e. every week)

$1 a dozen (i.e. for each dozen)

 

A- occurs as a prefix with a range of meanings. It can precede body parts and a number of common nouns to indicate direction or location:

 

abreast ahead aside abed abroad aloft

 

A number of a+body parts are now only used figuratively in the standard language:

 

He was taken aback. (i.e. surprised)

There was something afoot. (i.e. going on)  It is found in a set of nautical items indicating position:

abaft aboard astern

 

condition:

 

adrift afloat aground

 

or a desire to establish contact:

 

ahoy

 

Prefix a- is also found in a number of words indicating a state or process:

 

ajar alive atingle

 

The a- form in these words derives from Old English. It is no longer productive as a prefix and although many a- words such as:

 

aloud aloof asleep


are commonly used, many others such as:

 

ablush aflame aflutter

 

are found mainly in literature.

There is also an a-/an- prefix which derives from Greek a-/an-meaning ‘not’ or ‘without’ and which is still productive. It occurs in such words as:

 

amoral asocial asymmetrical

 

The an- form is the prefix used before vowels:

 

anaemic anarchy anastigmatic

 

See: affix, wake.

 

 

 

abbreviations

 

Abbreviations are appropriate in scholarly articles and footnotes (VP =verb phrase, cf.=confer=compare) and in documents where their use will not cause confusion. Elsewhere, abbreviations should be used sparingly.

Many abbreviations consist of the initial letters of the significant words in a phrase, for example BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation), FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation). In speech, the main stress normally falls on the last letter of the abbreviation. Sometimes the letters used can combine to form new words or acronyms, for example NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation).

The titles Dr, Mr, Mrs, Messrs are always abbreviated when used with names. (Ms is not strictly an abbreviation but a blend of Mrs and Miss.) Other standard abbreviations are a.m. and p.m., BC and AD, Jr. (e.g. James Smith Jr.), and those for large organisations (e.g. CBI=Confederation of British Industry or TUC=Trades Union Congress). In formal writing, titles indicating high rank are given in full (President, Prime Minister, Reverend) but they may be abbreviated or clipped in informal writing especially when used with initials or first names (e.g. Professor Smith, Prof. J.A.Smith).

Abbreviations may vary in different countries or in different institutions. A Bachelor of Arts degree, for example, is referred to as a B.A. in the UK and in many universities in the USA but as an A.B. in Harvard.

Generally, contemporary UK usage avoids the use of full stops after abbreviations unless ambiguities would occur (as with a.m. becoming indistinguishable from am). In the USA, a full stop is usual after a lower case letter (Fr., Lat.). Latin abbreviations (such as c.= circa, e.g.=exempli gratia and i.e.=id est) tend to take full stops throughout the English-speaking world. Only one full stop is necessary after an abbreviation which occurs at the end of a sentence:


His name was Dai Jones Jr.

 

The article used before an abbreviation is determined by the pronunciation of the first letter (a UFO=unidentified flying object, an M.A.=Master of Arts).

The plural forms of abbreviations are occasionally specialised (MSS =manuscripts, pp=pages, SS=saints), but they generally take lower case ‘s’ (JPs=Justices of the Peace, MPs=Members of Parliament).

The description above is concerned with abbreviations in written and formal styles.

Certain abbreviations can also occur in informal speech and writing. Among these are:

 

BFN (Bye for now)

BLT (Bacon, Lettuce and Tomato) TCB (Taking Care of Business) TLC (Tender Loving Care)

 

See: acronym, apostrophe, Bible, clipping, footnotes.

 

 

 

-able, -ible

 

In spoken English there is little or no difference in pronunciation between the suffixes - able and -ible and this fact adds to the uncertainty many people feel about spelling. Etymology is of little help. It is true that many -able endings derive from the Latin suffix

-abilis, whereas -ible endings are from -ibilis. Such information only puts the problem back one language. There is, unfortunately, no easy set of rules, although the more recent the compound word the more likely is the suffix to be -able:

 

permute—permutable televise—televisable

 

because -ible is no longer productive as a morpheme and because -able is meaningful not only as a morpheme but also as a word that allows compounds to be rephrased:

 

permutable—able to be permuted televisable—able to be televised

 

The following information will help to prevent spelling errors.

1 -able can be added to many verbs to form adjectives:

 

laugh—laughable interpret—interpretable think—thinkable


and negative adjectives may be formed by prefixing un-:

 

unflappable unsinkable unworkable

 

Where the verb ends with a consonant+e, as in like or shake, the ‘e’ is dropped before - able and, incidentally, before all suffixes beginning with a vowel. A number of words such as likable/likeable have two acceptable forms, the former more widely used in the USA, the latter in the UK. It is probable that the form without ‘e’ will become accepted worldwide. Where variants are possible, however, we provide them in 6 below. The only exceptions to this rule are words whose base forms end in -ce, -ee or -ge:

 

pronounceable agreeable gaugeable

 

2 Where the base form ends in a vowel+y, the ‘y’ is retained:

 

buyable

enjoyable sayable

 

and where the base form ends in a consonant+y, the ‘y’ is changed to ‘i’:

 

deny—deniable petrify—petrifiable vary—variable

 

The exceptions to this rule are:

 

flyable

fryable

 

neither of which is widely used.

3 Where the base form of a polysyllabic word ends in -ate, the -ate was originally dropped before -able was added:

 

alienate—alienable calculate—calculable, incalculable demonstrate—demonstrable

 

This rule does not apply to monosyllabic words: date—datable


or to disyllabic words:

 

dilate—dilatable vacate—vacatable

 

In recent coinages and frequently in speech, -atable forms occur:

 

infiltrate—infiltratable inundate—inundatable

 

Base forms ending in a single consonant usually double the consonant before adding - able:

 

forgettable

battable (of a ground capable of being batted on) This rule only applies to one verb ending in -er, thus:

conferrable

All the others have -erable: preferable

referable transferable

 

-ible endings occur in a fixed number of words deriving from Latin, such as:

 

audible

destructible tangible

 

It is no longer a living suffix, and often we find dyads occurring with -ible in the Latin- derived (and usually formal) word and -able attached to the more frequently used verb:

 

credible—believable edible—eatable risible—laughable

 

A useful though not infallible rule is that when we delete -able we are usually left with a recognisable verb. This is not true when we delete -ible (cf. ed-, cred-, ris-).

6   The following lists give the recommended spellings of words that people often worry about.

 

(a)  -able


abominable accountable adaptable adorable advisable agreeable alienable amiable appreciable approachable arguable assessable available believable bribable bridgeable calculable   capable changeable chargeable conceivable conferrable consolable  curable datable debatable definable demonstrable desirable despicable dissolvable drivable durable educable equable excitable excusable   expendable   finable foreseeable forgettable  forgivable gettable givable hirable immovable immutable impalpable

impassable impeccable implacable impressionable indefatigable   indescribable indispensable inflatable inimitable insufferable irreplaceable justifiable knowledgeable losable malleable manageable measurable noticeable operable peaceable penetrable perishable permeable pleasurable preferable pronounceable   readable reconcilable regrettable reliable removable reputable serviceable suitable tolerable transferable undeniable unexceptionable unknowable unmistakable

 


(b)  -able/eable


likable/likeable lovable/loveable salable/saleable sizable/sizeable usable/useable


 


(c)  -ible


accessible   admissible                    audible avertible combustible compatible            comprehensible contemptible contractible controvertible convertible                    defensible destructible digestible                    discernible divisible edible                    eligible           fallible feasible flexible                    forcible           gullible illegible incorrigible incredible                    indelible indigestible intangible    irascible                    irresistible legible negligible    ostensible                    perceptible permissible plausible                    possible          responsible reversible risible                    susceptible     tangible unintelligible visible


 

See: morpheme, spelling.


abstract

 

An abstract is a summary of a thesis/dissertation or scholarly article. It provides essential information on the claims, the development of the argument, the evidence used and the conclusions reached and should be intelligible to a person who has not read the original.

Abstracts of articles generally contain no more than 200 words, and theses are usually abstracted in approximately 300 words. An abstract should be concise and specific, normally consisting of one coherent paragraph for an article and a number of paragraphs, each representing a major line of development, in a thesis. It is usual in abstracts relating to the Arts for the active voice to be used; abstracts relating to the Sciences often prefer the passive voice.

See: précis.

 

 

 

Academy

 

This word goes back to Greek, where it indicates the Platonic school of philosophy. It is now often used to refer to an institute of learning or to the French Academy, l’Académie Française. This is an association of scholars and writers concerned with maintaining the standards, purity and eloquence of the French language. It was the Académie Française which in the late 1970s criticised the adoption of English items such as:

 

le  shopping le weekend

 

The Académie Française has considerable prestige but there is little evidence that its pronouncements have limited the use of English words in the speech of the young.

No such academy exists for the regulation of English, although several authoritative bodies have tried to introduce formal controls. The Royal Society, for example, was established in 1660 and it encouraged its members, scientists and writers alike, to develop ‘a close naked, natural way of speaking; positive expressions, clear senses, a native easiness’.

The USA too had its informal ‘academicians’. Webster, for example, helped modify spelling conventions, preferring -or to -our in words such as colour and the simplification of endings in words such as catalogue and programme, giving catalog and program.

Today one may claim that the media, especially in the quality press and in the authoritative statements of radio and television, function like an academy in that they arbitrate on what is acceptable and they influence the entire population, encouraging a modification towards network norms.

See: network norms, purist, Standard English.



accent

 

An accent relates to a person’s pronunciation. Everyone who speaks has an accent but people often think of the accent which approximates to the prestigious network norms as being ‘clearest’, ‘most intelligible’, ‘best’, even ‘accentless’. Unlike French, which has an Académie to arbitrate on pronunciation, the English language has never had a single spoken standard. Nevertheless, the notion of a socially prestigious accent goes back at least as far as the sixteenth century, when grammarians began to suggest that the most acceptable form of pronunciation was that used by educated speakers in London and at the Court. (The term accent is often popularly confused with dialect. It is, however, perfectly possible to speak the standard language with a regional accent.)

As far as the UK is concerned, the most prestigious accent is RP (Received Pronunciation). This variety was characterised in the mid-nineteenth century by A.J.Ellis and in the twentieth century by Daniel Jones. RP was originally an educated regional accent but it became the accent of social position and privilege—the accent used by educated speakers in the southeast of England, in Oxford, Cambridge and the public schools such as Eton and Harrow. In the 1930s it was adopted by the BBC as the accent for news broadcasts. In this way, RP came to be associated with the ‘right way’ of speaking, and through its use in education and the media it has exerted an influence on all speech in the UK. In the early part of this century, it was impossible to hold a post of any seniority in the army, government or law unless one’s speech approximated to RP. It was against this background that G.B.Shaw wrote Pygmalion:

 

…for the encouragement of people troubled with accents that cut them off from all high employment…

(Preface to 1912 edition)

 

Nowadays in the UK there is more tolerance towards regionally-marked accents, but RP continues to be the most prestigious accent and the one still used by the media for all official pronouncements.

The position is somewhat analagous in the USA, where the accents used by the regional networks exert an influence on listeners. However, there seems to be more tolerance of regionally marked accents in the USA than in the UK and it would probably be true to generalise that in the UK an accent other than RP connotes first class and then regional differences; in the USA an accent which differs from the network norms would probably connote first regional and then class or ethnic differences.

Each country in which English is a mother tongue or an official language has its own pronunciation norms which are dealt with under separate headings. The most significant difference between varieties of English, however, often relates to the pronunciation of ‘r’.

See: dialect, pronunciation, rhotic.


 

 

accent marks

 

Most of the accent marks in English are on words or names borrowed from other languages:

Acute — exposé

Bar (indicates long vowel) —  Breve (indicates short vowel) —

Cedilla                                  — façade

Circumflex — maître d’hotel Dieresis (indicates a syllable) — naïve (2 syllables) Grave — à la mode

Tilde                                  — mañana


Wedge (indicates consonant change)

Umlaut (indicates change of vowel)


Černak, Doležel

 

Göttingen (Umlaut is often shown by inserting an ‘e’ as in Goettingen.)


 

Conventionally we do not indicate accent marks in French when upper case letters are used:

 

Ecole Normale MAGAZIN D’ELEVES

 

but with German words the umlaut is required even with capitals.

Once a borrowed word becomes an accepted part of the vocabulary of English, the accent mark tends to be dropped as in cortege< cortège, detente<détente, Haiti (2 syllables)<Haïti, role<rôle and tete-a-tete<tête-à-tête.

The dieresis and the hyphen have in the past been used to mark a syllable break between vowels. Nowadays, the dieresis is rarely found and the use of the hyphen is declining:

 

coöperative, co-operative, cooperative reëstablish, re-establish, reestablish

 

Accent marks have some special uses in verse. The grave is sometimes used to mark stress on a syllable that is normally unstressed, thus producing a regular metrical pattern:

 

Accursèd Faustus, where is mercy now?

Christopher Marlowe, Doctor Faustus


More idiosyncratically, the poet G.M.Hopkins uses accent marks to distinguish particular stressed syllables when the normal orthography cannot signal their status adequately:

 

Márgarét, áre you grieving? Over Goldengrove unleaving?

Leáves, like the things of man, you

With your fresh thoughts care for, can you?

 

‘Spring and Fall’ See: borrowing, -ed forms, foreign words in English.

 

acquisition of language

 

Linguists, educationists and psychologists have all attempted to explain how it is that a normal child who is chronologically and emotionally immature, whose motor skills are relatively undeveloped and whose responses to time, space and measurements are imprecise, is capable of acquiring the language or languages of his environment. To add to the achievement, we have to acknowledge that the mother tongue is acquired without any formal teaching, in a relatively short time (most children have a good command of the language(s) of their environment by the time they are four) and, stranger still perhaps, although no two children are exposed to identical language input, all children in the same speech community emerge speaking essentially the same language.

To explain this phenomenon scholars have come up with two competing theories which, for simplicity, can be referred to as the Behaviourist and the Species-Specific schools.

The behaviourist viewpoint had its first comprehensive treatment in B.F.Skinner’s Verbal Behavior (1957). The essential thesis here is that children acquire the language of their environments in very much the same way as dogs learn to beg for bones. The behaviour is rewarded and socially sanctioned. According to Skinnerians, children imitate the sounds, intonation patterns, words and structures that they hear around them and then by a process of ‘generalisation’ they create new and acceptable patterns based on the old ones. There is considerable support for Skinner’s views in the evidence of children’s early speech and from the fact that speakers continue to expand their use of language by means of imitation, stimulation and the promise of reward. Such views cannot, however, satisfactorily account for everything in the acquisition process.

From about the age of 18 months there is an ‘explosion’ in the amount of speech children use, and much of it cannot be explained in terms of imitation. With English- speakers, for example, it is not uncommon for a child to learn see and saw by imitation, but then produce forms such as seed and sawed. It is almost as if the child has worked out that many verbs change from present to past by the addition of ‘-ed’ and so is trying to regularise see. In this way, the child moves from a list to a system. Similarly, irregular


plurals like men often become mans. Children do not learn these forms: they create them, as they do patterns for negation and interrogation. Because such linguistic behaviour seems to come from the children and not from an outside source many scholars believe that the human ability to acquire language is species specific. This means that human beings are genetically programmed to acquire language and they will talk automatically at a certain time just as they will walk automatically at a certain time, if they are given  the right environment. The last proviso is important: a child is not a miniature talker but a potential talker in the same way that an acorn is a potential oak tree. Children do not develop into language users if they are denied the right conditions and environment.

One fact which lends weight to the species-specific argument is the regularity and similarity of the onset of speech in all normal children. Eric Lenneberg called the developmental stages ‘maturational milestones’ and the following stages seem to be universal:

Birth to 3 months — crying, gurgling, non-speech noises 3 to 6 months — babbling

6 to 12 months — intonational babbling 12 to 18 months — words, set phrases

18 to 24 months — rapid increase of vocabulary, rudimentary grammar 24 to 36 months — inflections, transformations

36 to 60 months — good approximation to adult norms

 

Although there are a number of similarities between a child’s acquisition of his first language and an adult’s acquisition of a second or foreign language, second-language learning does not follow an identical pattern.

See: Behaviourism, Mentalism, pidgins and creoles.


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