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English Grammar and Language Usage: Part 19

countable and uncountable

 

These terms are applied to certain types of nouns. Countable nouns are individual items that we can easily differentiate, number and pluralise. The singular can also be prefixed by a:

 

a/one chair                two chairs                 ten chairs

a/one child two children ten children a/one memory two memories ten memories


Uncountable or mass nouns denote amounts that can be divided but not separated into entities which can be numbered. We do not, for example, usually count sugar by the grain or water by the drop. Examples of uncountable nouns are:

 

cash confidence sand soil

Uncountable nouns may be used with some: some money not *a money

some sand not *a sand

 

with the:

 

the bread

the furniture

 

with a phrase equivalent to ‘an amount of’:

 

an ounce of tea a ton of sand

 

or without an article:

 

I was filled with shame.

 

Such nouns are treated as singular and do not normally have a plural:

 

The news is not good.

 

The distinction between countable and uncountable nouns is neither wholly logical (some languages treat hair, knowledge and luggage as countable nouns, others as uncountable) nor wholly linguistic (news is uncountable but news item is countable). Moreover, a noun normally treated as uncountable may become countable when we refer to a variety:

 

Lactose and fructose are both sugars.

 

or to a specified amount:

 

One sugar or two?

 

The division between countable and uncountable nouns is language specific and arbitrary. In English, we make nouns countable when we concentrate on the fact that items are separable; when we focus on quantity, we make nouns uncountable. We may even use


this distinction to differentiate meaning, so that the study of people (character observation) is not confused with the study of peoples (ethnology).

See: collective nouns, determiner, fewer, noun.

 

 

 

creole

 

A creole is a pidginised language adopted as the mother tongue of a speech community. In the process of becoming a mother tongue, the language is modified so as to fulfil all the linguistic needs of a community. We have historical evidence of the creolisation of many European-related pidgins over the last five hundred years: creole Englishes are found in the Caribbean, creole Dutch in South Africa, creole French in Mauritius and creole Portuguese in the Moluccas.

The processes by which a group of people learn the rudiments of a language not their own and are forced (by large-scale social disruption such as that caused by the Slave Trade) to pass this newly-acquired language on to their children as a mother tongue have been more in evidence since the fifteenth century than at any other period in the past. Nevertheless, the linguistic features associated with pidginisation and creolisation (such as the loss of redundancies, the dropping of inflection and concordial agreement, the exploitation of linguistic common denominators) have occurred many times in history, especially during times of conquest. The changes that became apparent in the English language in England after the Norman Conquest differ more in degree than in essence from the changes that occurred in the English of Jamaica during the period of the Slave Trade.

Pidgins and creoles have often been disparaged because they have been used by people of low social status. Linguistically, however, a creole is no different from any other mother tongue: it fulfils all the needs of its speakers and is modified to suit changing needs. Pidgins and creoles that are related to English (and there are at least sixty varieties along the trade routes of the world) have been stigmatised in the same way as dialectal Englishes have been stigmatised, because difference has been equated with deficiency and simplicity of structure with simplemindedness.

See: mixed language, pidgins and creoles.

 

 

 

curse and swear

 

In the idiolects of many speakers, these words are essentially synonymous, but for some speakers curse retains its meaning of ‘malediction’, ‘wishing someone evil’:

 

May the devil take you.


Swear originally meant ‘take an oath, calling on God to witness that what is said is true’, a meaning it still has in:

 

I swear by Almighty God that the evidence I give will be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.

 

Casual swearing, when the names of heavenly beings were invoked in exclamations:

 

God Almighty!

Lord God!

 

was condemned by law in England in 1606. (Breaking the law could result in a fine of ten pounds, which was a great deal of money in the seventeenth century.) This law had three effects:

1 classical deities were invoked—a device used by Shakespeare and still found today:

 

By Jove!

Jumping Jupiter!

 

hidden swearing occurred:

 

Bloody<By our Lady

Drat<God rot you

 

substitutes (often alliterating substitutes) were found:

 

Crumbs<Christ Jeepers<Jesus

 

More recently, swearing has taken on the meaning of exclamations involving ‘four-letter words’.

See: euphemism, exclamation, taboo words.

 

 

 

dangling modifier/participle

 

A phrase or clause is described as dangling, hanging or misrelated when it is inappropriately attached to a word or when it is not related structurally to any part of the sentence. The following sentence taken from the Daily Mirror of 21 July, 1984, illustrates a dangling clause:


Laburnum seeds are best deadheaded when there are young children about because they are deadly poisonous.

 

The effects of such phrases and clauses may be confusing, misleading, comic or, in some instances, colloquially acceptable.

The commonest dangling modifiers involve -ing forms, infinitives or preposition phrases. In the following sentence, for example, ‘driving’ apparently modifies ‘signposts’:

 

There are no signposts driving through the Trough of Bowland.

 

In:

 

To get to the Trough of Bowland, signposts must be followed.

 

the implied subject of the infinitive ‘a motorist/a tourist’ should be specified:

 

To get to the Trough of Bowland, a motorist must follow signposts.

For a motorist to get to the Trough of Bowland, signposts must be followed.

 

Similarly, more detail is required to make the next sentence acceptable:

 

At the age of three, his family left Burnley.

 

‘His family’ cannot be ‘at the age of three’. What is needed is a clause such as ‘When he was three’. Only when the implied subject of both parts of the sentence is the same:

 

When he was three, he left Burnley.

 

can the first clause be transformed into a preposition phrase:

 

At the age of three, he left Burnley.

 

There are some modifiers that appear to contradict the rule:

 

Assuming that there are no interruptions, the job should take about two hours.

Knowing him, the gift was no surprise.

Roughly speaking, their house is five miles away. Seeing there is no alternative, this outfit will have to do. To do her justice, she tries very hard.

To give her credit, she is always polite.


Strictly, these modifiers are all misrelated: ‘assuming’ does not modify ‘the job’, ‘knowing’ ‘the gift’, ‘speaking’ ‘their house’, ‘seeing’ ‘this outfit’ nor ‘to do/to give’ ‘she’. However, these constructions, and others like them, are distinguished from the earlier examples by the following facts:

 

they are colloquially acceptable

they behave more like fillers than modifiers

their verbs involve estimation, perception or mental processes they all imply a first-person subject

 

The essential rule is to use modification carefully, ensuring that there is no chance of misinterpretation.

See: fillers, infinitive, -ing forms, modifier, participle.

 

 

 

data

 

The Latin singular datum meaning ‘one piece of given information’ is rarely used. Instead, the plural form data may be used with a plural verb:

 

The data collected so far make such a condusion unlikely.

 

Increasingly, the word data is used as a collective noun with a singular verb:

 

The data suggests that further research would be worthwhile.

 

and, where necessary, with singular determiners:

 

This data is beautifully presented.

 

See: collective nouns, plurals of nouns.

 

 

 

dates

 

UK and US conventions differ slightly in the writing of dates:

UK                   US

9th October, 1984 October 9, 1984

9 October, 1984 9 October 1984

9 October 1984


A form with commas is normally used when the full date is written within a sentence:

 

They planned to leave on 9 October, 1984.

 

When the day of the week is added, another comma is used:

 

They planned to leave on Tuesday, 9 October, 1984.

 

When only the month and year are used, the month is usually followed by a comma but this is not obligatory:

 

They planned to leave in October, 1984.

 

Except in formal and legal documents, the day and year are usually expressed in Arabic numerals. In business letters, months with more than four letters are sometimes abbreviated:

 

9 Oct., 1984.

 

When the whole date is written in numbers, the conventions are:

UK                               US

9–10–1984 (day, month) 10–9–1984 (month, day) 9–x–84 10/9/84

9/10/84

 

When dates are spoken or read aloud, they should be:

 

the ninth of October nineteen eighty-four

 

or:

 

October (the) ninth nineteen eighty-four

 

Years and centuries should be written as follows:

 

200 BC

AD 323

the 1980s the eighties

in 1983–84 (*in 1983–4)

nineteenth-century novels the nineteenth century

 

In footnotes, dates may be abbreviated (Oct., 19th century).


It is clear that conventions are necessary in the writing of dates if we are to avoid ambiguity. The International Certificate of Vaccination specifically instructs:

 

Misunderstandings have arisen as to the date of issue, and therefore the period of validity, of International Certificates of Vaccination, due to differences in national or other practice of recording dates: for example, the 10th August, 1957, may be written as 10 Aug., 1957, or Aug. 10, 1957, or 10.8.57 or 8.10.57. These misunderstandings can be avoided if dates on International Certificates are always written thus:-

the day should be placed first in Arabic numerals; the month should appear second in letters;

the year should come last in Arabic numerals. The above example would then appear as “10 August, 1957”.

 

There is a growing tendency to get rid of all commas and there is a certain amount of choice in the writing of dates but whatever form a speaker or writer chooses should be used consistently.

See: abbreviations, footnotes, punctuation.

 

 

 

decimate

 

Decimate means ‘reduce by one tenth’. Originally it applied to the practice of punishing troops for cowardice or mutiny by killing every tenth man. The word was generalised to mean the reduction by a tenth of anything countable, from fruit trees to profits.

Decimate is often used loosely as an emphatic and emotive word for the destruction of a large proportion of something:

 

The drought has decimated their herds—fewer than half have survived.

 

This usage should be avoided.

See: problem words.

 

 

 

declarative

 

The term declarative is identical in meaning to indicative and is applied to sentences of the form:

 

He is doing his best.


She doesn’t sing well.

 

Both terms contrast with imperative:

 

Go away.

 

and interrogative:

 

Didn’t you see anything?

 

See: affirmative, imperative, indicative, interrogative.

 

 

 

declarative question

 

A declarative question has the form of a statement:

 

You’re leaving?

 

but has the intonation of a question when spoken and is marked by a question mark in writing.

A declarative question differs from a rhetorical question such as:

 

Do you think I was born yesterday?

 

in two ways:

1 A rhetorical question has the form of a question:

 

Was I tired?

 

2 A declarative question seeks an answer. A rhetorical question requires no answer since it is semantically equivalent to an emphatic declaration:

 

Do you think I’m stupid? (i.e. I’m certainly not stupid.)

Am I tired? (i.e. I’m extremely tired.) See: question.


 

 

deep structure

 

The idea of a level of structure or grammar other than that revealed by actual samples of language was implied by traditional grammarians when they claimed that the subject of such a sentence as:

 

Go away.

 

was you (understood). Similarly, many structuralists expressed dissatisfaction with methods of analysis which did not make clear that superficial similarity could hide underlying differences.

Noam Chomsky specifically attempted to describe deep structure and to explain how the levels of language could be explicitly related. In his various writings since the publication of Syntactic Structures (1957) Chomsky and linguists influenced by him have shown how:

1 differing underlying patterns can have the same surface manifestation. This is particularly easy to show with regard to structures involving Ving+NP:

 

Visiting relatives (i.e. when they visit) can be a nuisance. Visiting relatives (i.e. when we visit) can be a nuisance.

 

2 different surface structures can have the same underlying pattern:

 

We were terribly shocked and grieved when he died.

Our shock and grief at his death was terrible. His death caused us terrible shock and grief.

 

Deep structures can be transformed into surface structures by a number of explicitly stated rules. Such rules allow us to account for:

1 deletion:

 

The card (I wrote the card) arrived lateThe card I wrote arrived late.

 

substitution:

 

The man (I saw the man) was fatThe man that I saw was fat.

 

permutation:

 

He died last summerLast summer he died.


insertion:

 

This is the catThis is the cat that killed the rat.

 

See: semantics, structuralism, transformational grammar, transformations.

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