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English Grammar and Language Usage: Part 21

dialectal, dialectic, dialectical

 

Dialectal is the adjective deriving from dialect and relates to varieties of a language:

 

There is considerable dialectal variation within Yorkshire. ‘Gotten’ is considered dialectal in British speech.

 

Dialectic is a noun referring to a type of logical procedure:

 

Plato’s dialectic is characterised by dialogue.

 

Dialectical is the adjective relating to dialectic:

 

Plato’s dialectical methods have been imitated for centuries.

 

 

 

diction

 

Diction, from Latin dicere (to say), has two commonly used meanings, one related to speech and the other to the choice of vocabulary. As a feature of speech or singing, diction refers to the enunciation of words. A speaker’s diction may be clear and so good, or indistinct, and so poor. Good diction, the art of speaking clearly, was once considered an essential ingredient of good manners.

In relation to vocabulary, diction implies the selection of words. It is often referred to in the teaching of writing skills, where good diction involves the choice of clear, effective and appropriate words.

Poetic diction is a term, usually applied disparagingly to vocabulary items appearing in verse:

 

feathered friends=birds finny tribe=fish

verdant meadows=green fields See: bon mot, poetic diction.


dictionary

 

There are three main types of dictionary, each capable of providing a variety of information.

1  The bilingual dictionary aims primarily at the sort of translations that will help a person who is using two languages. This aim is usually fulfilled by dividing the book into two halves, each organised alphabetically. Thus an English-Spanish dictionary will devote the first half to English words for which Spanish equivalents are provided and the second half to Spanish words for which English equivalents are given. This method has been extremely successful in dealing with Indo-European languages where the stems of most parts of speech are isolatable and where the various forms of regular words begin with the same sound:

 

man men

hombre hombres

 

By its very nature, a bilingual dictionary is crude and oversimplified. It concentrates on denotation since it is impossible to take account of all connotations or language-specific viewpoints. To give an example: a speaker of English might look up girl in a French dictionary and find fille. This is denotatively accurate, but French people tend to use jeune fille for girl because fille can be used for prostitute. Bilingual dictionaries are perhaps more useful for jogging the memory or adding to something that one already knows than for providing entirely new information.

2  The monolingual dictionary provides information on meaning and contextualisation. Definitions usually include synonyms and the most widely used collocations in which a word occurs. Cat, for example, may be defined as a feline and phrases such as cat’s cradle, cat o’ nine tails and catspaw explained. The monolingual dictionary may also provide information on:

(a)  etymology. This provides information on how a word may have developed from an earlier word, or been taken over from another language. For example, emu is generally believed to come from a modification of Portuguese ema meaning ‘rhea’, another flightless bird.

(b)  pronunciation. This can be useful but it also limits an English language dictionary because of the different pronunciations found in different parts of the English-speaking world.

(c)   forms of the word. These may indicate irregular plurals, tenses, spellings, or provide other words that are etymologically related.

(d)  style markers. Some dictionaries give more of these than others, indicating a range of descriptions from formal through informal to colloquial, slang, vulgar and taboo. Related to style markers are informative notes such as archaic, ecclesiastical, obsolete, philosophy or scientific. Such markers help a reader contextualise an unfamiliar word, but since they are not standardised one dictionary may label vulgar what another marks as taboo.

(e)   usage. Some dictionaries, such as Webster’s Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary,

give a note on usage for problem words. This is a relatively new practice, incorporating


some of the properties of usage guides and extending the usefulness of a dictionary as a reference work.

(f)   appendices. Many dictionaries have appendices, each arranged alphabetically, giving information on such diverse subjects as abbreviations, weights and measures, universities and colleges, foreign words and punctuation. These extend the scope of the dictionary as a reference book, but are not really part of the lexicographical function.

A number of dictionaries have been compiled which focus specifically on some of the details listed under 2. These include ‘etymological’, ‘pronouncing’ and ‘school’ dictionaries. In addition, lexical relations such as synonymy and antonymy are provided in Roget’s Thesaurus and its imitations; and specialised dictionaries dealing exclusively with catch phrases or idioms have been published.

All dictionaries are related in some way to vocabulary and usage and each is designed as a reference book. However, it is sometimes forgotten that a dictionary is the work of an individual or a team and is not, necessarily, guided by divine inspiration. It is useful to remember that all dictionaries, including the most revered, are best seen as helpful guides and not as absolute authorities.

See: definition, denotation, etymology.

 

 

 

differ from, differ with

 

Differ from is normally used in the sense of ‘be different, show a difference’:

 

Cultivated roses differ from wild ones in colour and shape.

He certainly differs from the conventional salesman.

 

Differ with normally means ‘have a difference of opinion, disagree’:

 

I differed with her over the colour scheme.

We differed with the council over the rates.

 

 

 

different from, than, to

 

There is some flexibility in the prepositions that follow different. Conventionally, UK usage has been different from in preference to different to:

 

The book was very different from what I expected.

 

and US usage has been different from and different than:


The book was very different from what I expected.

The book was very different than I expected.

 

For some reason, the structures involving different can arouse strong feeling, many purists objecting to different to and different than. There seems to be little justification for such attitudes since all of these structures have been used since the seventeenth century, often in the writings of prestigious authors. Prejudice and purism are, however, strong forces and the different from structure is least likely to be stigmatised.

See: ‘chestnuts’, UK and US grammar.

 

 

 

diglossia

 

Diglossia, from Greek di (twice)+glossa (tongue), is a term used in sociolinguistics to describe a community where two varieties of a language coexist, each with its own functions and with little admixture of varieties. Usually one variety has high status and the other low, the high variety being used for formal education, literature and religion, the low variety for intimate conversations and informal communications. Diglossia is found in some Greek communities (high variety: Katharevousa; low variety: Dhimotiki) and in Haiti (high variety: French; low variety: creole).

See: pidgins and creoles.

 

 

 

direct speech

 

The term direct speech is used to describe a set of conventions by which we express what someone is supposed to have said:

 

‘Hello!’ said Michael. ‘Come in. We’ve all been waiting for you.’

 

Similar conventions are employed to indicate thought:

 

‘What a beautiful girl!’ he mused.

 

The assumption that there is such a category as direct speech is a convenient way of referring to the commonest means of representing speech in novels and stories, but it is more a description of the impression created by such speech representation than an isolatable category. Direct speech is seldom an actual record of what is said: we introduce conventions such as inverted commas and exclamation marks; we do not normally record


such phenomena as hesitations, false starts, tempo, loudness or intonation; and what is given as ‘thought’ is an oversimplified stylisation of mental processes.

The relationship between direct and indirect (or reported) speech is often complex. The only direct speech samples that can be easily transformed into indirect speech (or vice versa) are those that are composed. Live speech is hard to transform into indirect speech as the following recorded utterance illustrates:

 

Well, you know like, I was never, er, never much of a talker… But my brother now, well like take him… By God, he could talk the hind leg off a donkey…

 

If we turn this into indirect speech we produce a version such as:

 

Paddy insisted that he had never been much of a talker but said that we should consider his brother. He added with an oath that his brother could talk the hind leg off a donkey…

 

but this version loses much of the quality of the original and the solution of replacing By God with He added with an oath is only partly successful.

The dichotomy direct/indirect speech is a simplification of the many representations of speech and thought that occur in literature. It is not always possible to say whether some samples such as:

 

‘Will she never come?’ he wondered.

 

are meant to represent speech or thought because many attributive verbs (hypothesised, mused, pondered, theorised) can represent both. Attributive verbs are a means of influencing the opinion of a reader. Almost all verbs of saying and thinking as well as many action verbs can be used in attribution:

 

ask, begin, cry, groan, hiss, hurry, imply, infer, insist, nod, preach, rush, scream, screech, simper, squeak, squeal

 

Our list is not meant to be comprehensive but it is sufficient to stress that the verb of attribution can imply the sex of a speaker (contrast simper with thunder), the state of mind (groan, worry), and whether or not the writer is in sympathy with the character (hiss, wheedle).

Direct speech is characterised by quotation marks. A punctuation mark at the end of the speech precedes the closing quotation mark. The first line of direct speech is indented from the left-hand margin. If a speech consists of more than one paragraph, each paragraph starts with an opening quotation mark, but a closing quotation mark is used only at the end of the speech or before a verb of attribution. In the conversion of direct into indirect speech, temporal, spatial and pronominal references and verbs like GO and BRING, which indicate speaker orientation, are moved one step further from the reporter:


‘Come here at once,’ shouted the teacher.

The teacher shouted that he should go there immediately.

 

The conventions involved in transposing from one mode to another suggest that speech can exist in more than one form without alteration of meaning. Reported speech is, however, less precise. Such a report as:

 

She said she would not go.

 

does not distinguish between:

 

‘I will not go,’ she said.

 

and:

 

‘I would not go,’ she said.

 

(Perhaps this is one reason why writers of detective stories often prefer reported speech.) Moreover, some conversions from direct to reported speech require changes such as the deletion of titles:

 

‘Can I help you, madam?’ he asked,

He asked (politely) if he could help her.

 

the substitution of more formal lexical items:

 

‘Can I come too?’ he asked.

He asked if he could also go.

 

the deletion of exclamations:

 

‘O! You frightened me,’ he exclaimed.

He exclaimed that she had frightened him.

 

and the expansion of contractions:

 

‘We’ll go tomorrow if it doesn’t rain,’ she promised.

She promised that they would go the following day if it did not rain.

 

Such changes inevitably affect meaning.

In reality, speech and its written representation are much more flexible, subtle and varied than the terms direct and indirect/reported speech suggest.

See: reported speech, speech and writing, speech in literature.


discourse analysis

 

Grammatical analysis tends to be limited to the sentence. Yet, it is clear to any sensitive user of language that there are many links between sentences in a continuous stretch of coherent speech or prose. Discourse analysis is the study of such links and of the patterns likely to occur in different types of discourse (narrative, conversation, religious ritual, political persuasion) and on certain occasions (marriages, funerals, christenings, bar mitzvahs).

Links between sentences add to the cohesion of a passage and these links are most apparent in:

1   consistency of tone (voice quality may contribute to cohesion in speech; stylistic appropriateness may achieve the same end in writing)

consistency of vocabulary (no item appears out of place in the context and lexical sets may occur, e.g. game, set, match, fifteen, thirty, forty, love, deuce, advantage would form a lexical set in a description of tennis)

3   consistency of syntax (we do not expect rapid and inexplicable changes in tense, aspect, location, narration)

4   anaphora (backward and forward references involving pronouns, auxiliary verbs, adverbials such as finally, furthermore, later and conjunctions, both co-ordinate (and, but, either…or) and subordinate (because, if, when).

See: anaphora, cohesion, discourse marker, linkage, parallelism.

 

 

 

discourse marker

 

Discourse markers are items of linkage which lend cohesion to a text. There are a number of types of discourse marker:

items which suggest addition: as well as, furthermore, moreover

items which suggest alternatives: besides, either…or, however

items which suggest cause and effect: because, hence, so

items which suggest conditions: as long as, if, unless

items which suggest sequences: then, thirdly, to conclude

items which suggest time: afterwards, formerly, meanwhile

noun substitutes: pronouns, the former, the latter

8  verb substitutes: auxiliary verbs, DO (so). See: anaphora, cohesion, discourse analysis.

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